Several weeks ago I wrote a post about the new National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (NAP).  In this piece for the Women’s Media Center (WMC), I elaborate on the concerns women’s peace and human rights organizations have about the NAP. which to be very clear, is a very positive addition to the tools we have to advocate and work for women’s human rights.  But as I conclude in the WMC piece,

The National Action Plan On Women, Peace and Security offers a powerful opportunity to move towards a gender responsive and informed framework of peace and security, but it will require vigilance to insure that it is truly implemented in a way that assures women’s human rights.

Click here to read the entire WMC piece.

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Tawakul Karman

As the award of a Nobel Peace Prize to Yemen’s Tawakkol Karman reminds us, women have played a very prominent role in the Arab Spring.  While we celebrate their activism, we need to be mindful that this in and of itself does not secure women’s rights as part of the change taking place in the Middle East.  In August I was asked to write a piece for the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom‘s fall newsletter about rape as a weapon of war in Libya.  In the interim between when I wrote the piece and when it was published, Gaddafi has been ousted.  It is interesting to note that the rumors about Viagra like drugs that made such a splash when they first circulated have dropped from sight.  We may never know if they were true.  But as I point out in the article, reprinted with permission below, the real issue is the use of rape as a weapon of war.

Rape as a Weapon of War in Libya:  New Permutations on an Old Theme

Earlier this year, reports began to surface alleging the use of Viagra-like drugs to encourage Libyan troops to rape women as a tactic in their fight with Libyan rebels, leading the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to call for a complete investigation of the charges and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to say that she was, “deeply concerned” about the changes.If indeed the allegations prove true, they would represent a new variation on an old tactic and not only should those who committed these crimes be prosecuted, those who made the drugs available should be prosecuted as well.  While pharmaceutical companies try to sell their little blue pills with advertisements showing couples exchanging knowing looks while they walk through fields of flowers, the potential abuse of these drugs as weapons of war is all too easy to believe.

Neither Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch have been able to verify the reports however, so there is also the disturbing question of whether false rape charges are instead the weapon in question.  Regardless of whether impotency drugs have been used and whether women have been raped or whether allegations of such rapes are being trumped up and used as a political and military tactic, the truth remains that rape is a weapon of war and women’s bodies continue  to be used as the battleground in wars of male supremacy, wars that don’t take place on actual battlegrounds but instead are fought in cities and towns and in refugee camps where women and children, the most vulnerable civilians, become the collateral damage of war.

In Iraq, the number of honor killings rose dramatically after the U.S. invasion and  more recently, in Tehran, women protesting the government have been attacked.  In Congo, women in refugee camps are gang-raped with impunity. In Burma, the army uses rape as a weapon of terror in their fight with Shan forces. In Bosnia, there were mass rapes, in Rwanda too.  In the U.S. military, female soldiers are more likely to be attacked by male soldiers than by any enemy.

These are the dots we need to connect. We are horrified every time we hear such reports.  How could such a thing happen?  And more importantly, how can it keep happening time and time again?  While each and every instance of these abuses is horrific in its own right, we need to understand that they are not one time incidents but rather the systemic and perpetual violation of women and we need to insist that we address the underlying problem and not just its manifestations. Where there is conflict and where there are military forces, there is rape and sexual abuse.

Reports of the use of Viagra (and similar drugs) in Libya are disturbing and the International Criminal Court’s quick investigation into the allegations is significant for several reasons.  A bit of history provides the context for more fully understanding the issues involved.

The ICC came into being in 2002 as an independent body (contrary to popular belief, it is not part of the United Nations) to investigate and prosecute war crimes.  Of particular importance, the ICC recognizes rape and sexual assault as a war crime, allowing for the first time, a global standard for the prosecution of one of the most heinous weapons of war and the one that impacts women and girls the most severely.  Over time, as militant forces come to understand that they will be held accountable for the use of rape as a tool of war, one would hope that understanding will act as a deterrent to such crimes.

The Rome Statute, which established the Court was signed by 148 countries.  Seven countries voted against it, including the U.S. and Libya.

It is therefore supremely ironic that the U.S. pushed for the ICC’s prosecution of Libyan war crimes. But make no mistake, the U.S. does not consider itself bound by the jurisdiction of the ICC which would leave it quite obviously vulnerable to prosecution for such things as what happened at Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and also the rape of servicewomen within the ranks of its own military.

If the charges  cannot be substantiated by human rights groups, then the issue that needs to be investigated is the issue of false allegations for political and military gain.

Regardless of whether rape itself has taken place or whether instead false allegations of rape have been made, we must insist that what has occurred not be isolated and treated as a singular event but rather as a part of the pandemic war against women that is a systemic part of the global wars for power and domination.  We also have to insist that the rules apply to all. The arrogant assumption of different standards of human rights based on might speaks directly to the root cause of why these crimes take place and until we are willing to confront that duplicity, they will continue to occur.

–Lucinda Marshall, 2011

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Further reading:

Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity
http://www.enotes.com/genocide-encyclopedia/rape

About the International Criminal Court
http://www.icc-cpi.int/Menus/ICC/About+the+Court/

US “Hypocrisy” on Libya and International Criminal Court
http://www.commondreams.org/newswire/2011/03/01-24

U.S. continues Bush policy of opposing ICC prosecutions
http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2011/02/28/war_crimes

Rape Reporting During War
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/print/67936

Last week I had the privilege of sitting in on a Senate hearing held by Sen. Barbara Boxer on Women and the Arab Spring.  The need for U.S. support of UNSCR 1325 as well as the importance of the U.S. finally ratifying CEDAW came up.  Boxer voiced her support for CEDAW and promised to work to get it through the Senate.  This is a huge boost for it’s passage and hopefully the U.S. will soon join the rest of the world in supporting this crucial tool for women’s human rights.

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Note:  If you have not already seen it, I highly recommend Abigail Disney’s amazing film series, Women, War and Peace on PBS, which can also be viewed online.  The series makes a very significant contribution in raising awareness about how war impacts women and how women can and need to be involved in peacemaking.

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In our ongoing look at the Feminist Peace Network‘s story as part of Women’s History Month, this letter (undated, but probably sent in 2007) went to representatives of several other women’s groups, including WILPF, NOW, Code Pink, Global Women’s Strike, Nobel Women’s Initiative and VDay.  Unfortunately, nothing substantive resulted from it, and the letter could just as easily be sent today apropos of numerous conflict-afflicted areas in the world.

Gentlewomen,

As I think you all know, the already dire situation for Iraqi women and children has become horrendously worse during the last  few months, both for those still in Iraq and for those who are now refugees.  Yet this crisis is all but invisible to the U.S. peace/anti-war movement which seems to be centering its message on ending the war but supporting the troops, a message that while expedient in terms of building a broad coalition against the war, only addresses part of the problem.

As women’s organizations and feminists, we  need to demand that the specific harms to women as a result of this conflict be addressed as part of the anti-war movement’s agenda.  Harms such as:

–Lack of maternal healthcare.

–The difficulties facing women trying to get passports (you have to travel to Baghdad and have a male relative’s permission) in order to flee the country.

–The women who have been sexually trafficked and forced into prostitution to feed themselves and their children.  The Independent (UK) has suggested that 50,000 women refugees may  be prostituting themselves which sounds like a huge number but if you consider that there are some 4 million refugees now, many of whom are women without male relatives and who are not able to legally obtain work, the number does not seem unreasonable.  As horrific as this is, it is a crisis that is all but invisible to the American public.

All of our organizations want this war to end, but bringing our soldiers home, while necessary, is not sufficient, we need to end this war for the Iraqi people too and work to help them restore their lives.  The first place that needs to start is immediately addressing the refugee crisis and setting up ways to enable women as part of this process.  We also need to demand that U.S. troops do not continue the wholesale slaughter of women and children.

To raise our voices loudly enough to be heard, we truly need to do so together.  I don’t have a specific plan of action in mind, at this point I am simply asking if you are willing to work together and to ask that you share your ideas.

In peaceful sisterhood,

Lucinda Marshall

Feminist Peace Network

 

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FPN Director Lucinda Marshall speaks about UNSCR 1325 (photo by Josh Cook)

On September 21, I had the privilege of making a presentation at Mount Mary College in Milwaukee, WI on the  importance of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 as part of their celebration of the International Day of Peace.  The presentation was co-sponsored by the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom as part of their Advancing Women As Peacemakers Program in conjunction with the 10th anniversary of UNSCR 1325.  Below is a web-version of the material I presented on the importance and context of 1325. I am indebted to everyone who made this presentation possible.

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Resolution 1325 addresses for the first time the disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women and recognizes the under-valued and under-utilized contributions women make to conflict prevention, peacekeeping, conflict resolution and peace-building as well as the importance of women’s equal and full participation as active agents in peace and security. It is binding upon all UN Member States.

Key Provisions of UNSCR 1325 include:

  • Increased participation and representation of women at all levels of decision-making.
  • Attention to specific protection needs of women and girls in conflict.
  • Gender perspective in post-conflict processes.
  • Gender perspective in UN programming, reporting and in Security Council missions.
  • Gender perspective & training in UN peace support operations.

The passage of Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security by the Security Council of the United Nations 10 years ago was an historical accomplishment that resulted from the hard work, courage and determination of women throughout the world who insisted that we should have an equal role in bringing and maintaining peace in our global community.

While much work has been done to implement 1325, the results so far are discouraging. Since 2000, women averaged 7 percent of negotiators in five major U.N. peace processes. Fewer than 3 percent of the signatories in 14 peace talks were women.  For a comprehensive look at efforts to implement 1325, please see this checklist on progress made on implementation of 1325.

To truly understand why 1325 is so important, we need to take a look at the impact of militarism from a gendered lens and ask what is it about military conflict that makes women particularly vulnerable?

———-

Several points to consider:

Wars are not fought on battlefields anymore–they are fought in cities and towns and villages. Civilian casualties now make up as much as 70% of the total casualties of any military action.  Since women and children are the majority of these civilian populations, they make up the majority of civilian casualties.

In  warfare, women’s bodies frequently become part of the battle ground over which opposing forces struggle. Their bodies are often considered the spoils of war, or invisibilized under the catchall euphemism, ‘collateral damage’.

It is important to understand the primary ways in which women are sexually victimized as a result of militarism, which include:

  • Rape/Sexual Assault
  • Sexual Slavery/Trafficking
  • Forced Marriages and Pregnancies
  • Femicide

Other factors that make women particularly vulnerable include: the loss of homes, being separated from family (especially men who may have provided protection), becoming a refugee (and not surprisingly, the overwhelming majority of refugees from conflict are women), and loss of jobs and income leaving women  to resort to desperate means such as prostituting themselves to put food on their family’s table.

Finally, it is important to remember that violence against women does not end when the fighting ends.  We’ve all heard reports of rapes committed by U.N. peacekeepers, of soldiers who come home and assault or murder their wives and in a minute we’ll look at what this means in Iraq now that we’ve declared an end to combat operations.

———-

Before we go any further however, I want to talk about how I usually approach talking about militarism. When I talk about militarism, I tend to focus on U.S. militarism for 2 reasons.  The first is because we have the biggest military in the world, so our actions rather literally pack the biggest punch.

Secondly, most of us are U.S. citizens, we live here, and it is important to look first at the impact of our own actions and how we can change them before examining those of others.  So when we talk about 1325, we should consider that becoming more aware of its potential in addressing conflict and pushing for its use by the U.S. can have an enormous impact.

I do want to note however that it isn’t just us, although our inaction in conflicts such as Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Darfur, the DRC and so on makes us complicit in these atrocities.

  • Rwanda Genocide–As many as 500,000 women raped
  • 64,000 women raped during conflict in Sierra Leone
  • 40,000 women raped in Bosnia/Herzogovina
  • 4,500 Rapes in just 6 months in one province of the DRC
  • Hundreds of women raped every day in Darfur

In any case, it is precisely because of these incredible, large numbers of victims that we know that violence against women is systemic to militarism.

Two recent examples of how U.S. militarism impacts women are instructive.

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One of the justifications for our invasion of Afghanistan was to liberate Afghan women.  As Human Rights Watch pointed out last year, that has been an abysmal failure.  Today:

  • The majority of Afghan women are vulnerable to violence in their homes. Violence against women is definitely not just something that we can say is because of the Taliban.
  • The judiciary system provides scant recourse for survivors of that violence. If there are no witnesses to these crimes, the women can be convicted of adultery.
  • Victims are often jailed or murdered.  Women who face domestic violence can be pushed to tragic extremes, including suicide; self-immolation is often the method of choice.  The burn hospital in Herat recently reported 90 cases of self-immolation in an 11 month period. Afghanistan is the only country in the world where the suicide rate for women is higher than for men.
  • 70 to 80 percent of women face forced marriages often before the age of 12.  There are actually markets where women are bought and sold.
  • Going to school is risky for girls because of fire bombings and acid attacks.
  • The assassinations of several prominent women leaders have gone unpunished.
  • And finally, women and children frequently find themselves in the line of fire during military actions.  In addition, obtaining food and shelter or medical care, finding a hospital to deliver a baby can become all but impossible when there is fighting going on.

And in Iraq, again we used the justification of liberating women as a reason for war.  And while we’ve declared an official end to combat there, for Iraqi women, the war is far from over:

  • 740,000 widows in Iraq due to the last war with little or no means of support.
  • Many women have become refugees in Jordan and Syria, often away from families who could provide protection and support.
  • The new Constitution, which we gave our blessing to gives precedence to Islamic law over civil law.
  • Honor killings have increased dramatically.
  • Sexual Trafficking where women are  being forced to prostitute themselves to feed their families, or are being sold to sex traffickers has increased dramatically.

———

But it is not only civilian women who are at risk.

According to several studies, 30% of women in the U.S. military are raped while serving, 71% are sexually assaulted and 90% are sexually harassed. It is believed that 90% of sexual assaults in the military are never reported. As one Congresswoman noted recently, women serving in the military are more at risk of being harmed by their fellow soldiers than by any enemy.

It’s also important to note that the problems described apropos of the military also apply to women working for private contractors such as KBR/Halliburton, Blackwater (now known as Xe), etc. which is very relevant since while we are officially withdrawing combat troops from Iraq, there are still many, many private contractors there.

———-

So that gives you some context about why 1325 is so important.  Before I close I do also want to note that in addition to 1325, there are a number of other vehicles that in part address the impact of militarism on women and the need to include women in conflict resolution.  They include:

CEDAW (1979) which stands for The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and defines violence against women as a violation of women’s human rights and is often described as an international bill of rights for women. As of August, 2009, 185 countries had ratified CEDAW. The United States is one of the few that have not yet ratified it, along with countries such as Iran and Sudan.

Resolution 1820 (2008), urges all parties to armed conflicts to immediately stop acts of sexual violence against civilians and calls for the protection of women and girls from all forms of sexual violence.

We also have the International Criminal Court which was created in 1998. It classify sexual violence as a war crime and provides a means by which perpetrators can be held accountable. The U.S. however, opposes the ICC and does not participate.

And finally, here in the U.S., the bipartisan International Violence Against Women Act (IVAWA) was reintroduced in Congress last February. It would be the first of its kind to comprehensively incorporate US foreign assistance programs to help stop gender-based violence and poverty, promote economic opportunities for women, halt violence against girls in schools, and ultimately empower women.

———

Those are some of the tools available to us on an international and national level, but you and I—we’re not members of Congress or delegates to the United Nations.  So the thought that I want to leave you with is what we—those of us here today—can do to change this paradigm.  I like to frame this in terms of what I call the Peace Agenda, not the War Agenda, because after all, isn’t peace what we say we are trying to achieve?

Make Violence Against Women a Part of the Peace Agenda:

  • We need to make the connection between the othering that enables militarism and the othering that enables sexual violence.
  • We need to take intimate violence as seriously as the other violences of war.
  • We need to admit that sexual violence is a tool of war. When men go to war, women and children are overwhelmingly the innocent victims.  We need to own up to this and make it a front and center issue.

We need to make a fundamental paradigm shift away from Power Over thinking and move towards partnership thinking.  Rather than seeing others as adversaries, let’s look at how can we partner to create solutions and make meaningful and just relationships.  Then we will be truly empowered.

It is crucial that we look at conflict resolution from a gendered lens.  When we discuss the impact of militarism and how to end it, we are simply not looking at the full picture unless we include the ways it affects women and also listen, really listen, to women’s voices  when we look towards resolution of conflict and the creation of peace and I believe that 1325 is one of the best tools we have for truly creating a women-inclusive peace and am grateful to the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) for all their work in working towards its implementation.

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For a further discussion of 1325 particularly in the context of U.S. strategy in Afghanistan and Iraq, here is the interview I did on these topics on Pacifica’s KPFK’s Feminist Magazine.

Also, to learn more about 1325 and the organizations that are working to promote its implementation, the following links may be useful.

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This year marks the 10th anniversary of the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 which provides a,

legal and political framework that acknowledges the importance of the participation of women and the inclusion of gender perspectives in peace negotiations, humanitarian planning, peacekeeping operations, post-conflict peacebuilding and governance.

Key provisions of 1325 include:

  • Increased participation and representation of women at all levels of decision-making.
  • Attention to specific protection needs of women and girls in conflict.
  • Gender perspective in post-conflict processes.
  • Gender perspective in UN programming, reporting and in SC missions.
  • Gender perspective & training in UN peace support operations.

On September 21, I’ll be giving a presentation titled, Towards a Women-Inclusive Peace:  Why 1325 is the Crucial Number at Mount Mary College in Milwaukee, WI at their International Day of Peace celebration, co-sponsored by  the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom.

I’m very excited to be speaking about 1325, which is something I regularly address when talking about the impact that militarism has on women’s lives.  It is particularly timely now that we’ve officially declared an end to combat missions in Iraq. But just saying it’s over doesn’t make it over if you are a widow without any substantive means of support or of you are a mother living as a refugee in Syria or Jordan forced to prostitute yourself to feed your children.  These examples point to why it is so important to consider the needs and listen to the voices of women when resolving conflict.

I’ll post the text and slides from the presentation after the event but in the meantime, here are some links for learning more about 1325.

If your school or organization would be interested in a presentation about how militarism impacts women’s lives and this very important resolution, please contact me at lucindamarshall @ feministpeacenetwork.org.

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