From SW Radio Africa via All Africa:

“After being kept in detention for about 2 weeks while the government delayed a bail appeal hearing, 12 of the 14 WOZA activists who were being detained at Chikurubi Maximum Prison finally faced the prospect of being released on Friday.

A male MOZA activist that was at Harare Remand Prison was also due for release on Friday after lawyers paid bail. Lawyer Gift Mpisi, who is representing the WOZA detainees, said he had posted Z$ 5 billion each for their release. A car was on the way to Chikurubi to pick them up late afternoon.

Mpisi said 10 of the 13 activists at Chikurubi were due to be released Friday. Coordinators Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu were denied bail Wednesday after the state claimed that they were likely to mobilise people to demonstrate on the streets and cause violence ahead of the runoff election. A WOZA activist who was using documents that had her maiden name instead of married name will also spend the weekend in detention awaiting clarification on Monday.”

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Jun 152008
 

I’m not particularly a Nicholas Kristof fan, but he has an excellent column out about rape as a weapon to war. Writing about why rape has always been a weapon of war, he writes,

“There are two reasons for this. First, mass rape is very effective militarily. From the viewpoint of a militia, getting into a firefight is risky, so it’s preferable to terrorize civilians sympathetic to a rival group and drive them away, depriving the rivals of support.Second, mass rape attracts less international scrutiny than piles of bodies do, because the issue is indelicate and the victims are usually too ashamed to speak up.”

The only quibble I would have is with this question:

“When the governments of South Africa, China, Libya and Indonesia support Sudan’s positions in Darfur, do they really mean to adopt a pro-rape foreign policy?”

Seriously?? Given the massive numbers of rapes going on in Darfur that these governments are well aware of, the answer is yes, rape is indeed an acceptable part of these countries foreign policies every bit as much as it is acceptable to the U.S. in its tolerance for the rapes committed by U.S. servicemen around the world, including women in the ranks and who are working for private contractors and by the tolerance of the escalation of violence against women in Iraq, etc.

But then there is this:

“The rape capital of the world is eastern Congo, where in some areas three-quarters of women have been raped. Sometimes the rapes are conducted with pointed sticks that leave the victims incontinent from internal injuries, and a former U.N. force commander there, Patrick Cammaert, says it is “more dangerous to be a woman than to be a soldier.”

The international community’s response so far? Approximately: “Not our problem.””

And that is the sick, sad truth.

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Due in large part to the hard work of many feminist media activists, gender issues are now assumed to be a regular part of the media justice discussion. But that is still a far cry from an actionable platform for making gender justice an integral part of the media reform agenda.

The implications of such a lack are damaging and manifest themselves in many ways. In a recent conversation with Mary Moss Greenebaum, the Founder of the Kentucky Author Forum, which brings noted authors to Louisville, Kentucky, I asked her why only 26 of the 96 guests in the program have been women. She said that while she was aware that was problematic, her main concern was diversity of topics, that she focused on having authors that could speak to a broad range of topics, which is really just a variation on the ‘we’d love to invite women on our show but we just don’t know any/there aren’t any qualified ones available, etc. Jennifer Pozner, Director of Women in Media and News elaborates on this tactic in much more detail and offers this nuanced list of the usual excuses:

A. We’d love to have a woman expert for this story, but there aren’t enough women in [insert whatever field is the subject of the news story or the op-ed] so we can’t find any good female sources or guests on [insert almost any topic other than child care, abortion, rape, fashion or celebrity/lifestyle];

B. We’d love to have more women as commentators but our shows “are not having long discussions about issues that are not at the forefront of the agenda” and “the object here is to deliver the news, not to get women on the air.” (Because media have no role in determining what’s at “the forefront of the agenda” and, alternately, women’s concerns are necessarily marginal? So, there are “newsmakers,” and then there are women? Who knew they were mutually exclusive?);

C. We’d love to have more women on our op-ed pages, but op-eds are combative and women are more hesitant about expressing their opinions (ie, “Women don’t shout. Women don’t like politics. Women shrink from intellectual debate. Women don’t try,” as Katha Pollitt astutely summed up — the handily debunked — here);

D. We’d love to have more women sources/writers/guests but we just don’t have time to find them.

Be sure to see Pozner’s full post where she debunks the validity of all of the above.

In another recent conversation, the host of a progressive community radio program in the Midwest proudly listed some of his many illustrious and mostly male guests. When I pointed out this imbalance, he said he hoped I wasn’t from the bean-counting school of feminism, chastising me for simplistically counting guests rather than complimenting him for addressing important issues and ideas. It obviously did not occur to him that indeed I am focusing on the issue and the issue is gender imbalance.

In Conspicuous By Their Absence, Miren Gutierrez addresses why women are systematically invisibilized by the media and the implications that has:

“Observe any summit picture – you won’t find many women. The mystery of female underrepresentation in the echelons of power persists: after so many decades of the feminist movement, why are women at the helm scarce? A look at the media sector may provide some answers.

“The media is a mirror on society so it needs to be a reflection of that society. If our newsrooms are male-dominated spaces, they will reflect a male-dominated world. That, for me, is not living true to our mission of creating non-racial (in the case of South Africa), non-biased, non-sexist societies,” says Ferial Haffajee, the first woman editor of the South African Mail & Guardian.

Media organisations are the gatekeepers of much of what is known in the public sphere, while journalistic stories contribute to perpetuating stereotypes, or changing them. It is quite revealing, then, to find out who is in the kitchen cooking the news.”

Miren goes on to present numerous examples from around the world documenting the problem.

So what is to be done? In the aftermath of the National Conference for Media Reform NCMR, I asked a number of feminist media activists for their thoughts on why gender justice needs to be a part of the media agenda, not just a topic of discussion. I present them here as a starting point for formulating an action plan to make it so.

“Without Women their is no such thing as Media Justice. If you care about
our mothers, daughters, and sisters then you must care about Media Justice. If
you care about violence against women, a person’s self image, and equality
for all women then you must care about Media Justice.”

–Deanne Cuellar, San Antonio Project Director, Texas Media Empowerment Project (Texas MEP); leadership team member of MAG-Net, the Media Action Grassroots Network

“Media has always been one of the chief conduits by which young people understand, identify with, and form their opinions about the world around them. A media that both reflects and prioritizes the lives and voices of women—all women—is crucial not only to the development of a well-informed populace, but to the development of a new generation of thinkers and leaders inspired to make media that’s open-minded, democratic, and challenging.”

–Andi Zeisler, Cofounder and Editorial Director, Bitch: Feminist Response to Pop Culture

“Feminist participation is essential for any movement to be truly progressive; when women’s viewpoints are excluded, the resulting gaps in analysis inevitably result in works that falls short of its social justice goals. Because of its profound influence on our culture, nowhere is this more true than in the field of media.”

–Lisa Jervis, Founding Editor and Publisher, Bitch: Feminist Response to Pop Culture

“The fact that the conservative forces in this country have been able to reframe almost every feminist issue through the media (feminism itself, late-term abortion, and welfare) was all the proof I needed to work for media justice. Without more feminist voices in the media, the feminist movement will continue to lose wars before the battles even begin, especially when the issues disproportionately affect communities of color. Media is a woman’s issue.”

Veronica I. Arreola,
Women In Media & News (Board Member)
Chicago Abortion Fund (Board Co-Chair)

“Until all forms of media and our communication rights reflect the diversity of women’s voices and solutions to critical issues facing our country and the world, media will contribute heavily to the manufacturing of misogyny, militarism, and violence we all face and organize to resist.”

–Jan Strout,
Co-director, Reclaim the Media
National Field Director, National Organization for Women

“As long as men are the most powerful and visible
voices in media, then we can’t heal this world fast
enough. Women don’t start wars, they care about
children, about mothers and the deepest love in all
its shapes and sizes and colors: between men and
women, women and women, men and men…women’s
perspectives are vital to changing the hateful
discourse that men have created and that so many women
are obeying. Without women at all levels of media,
there is no true media reform.”

–Barbara Renaud Gonzalez
Las True Stories From San Antonio

“One of the points I make in my presentations is this: Since the beginning of mass communications, so many aspects of shaping the discourse have excluded women: from outright ownership to meager participation opportunities, women just haven’t had a chance. With the advent of the new tools that drastically democratize media — wikis, blogs, social tools, etc — it’s absolutely critical that we participate and shape the conversation. It’s easier than ever, and the more the merrier.”

–Deanna Zandt, media technologist for Hightower Lowdown, AlterNet and GritTV with Laura Flanders

“Although I know attempts have been made to diversify the panels at NCMR, some of the topics were not as diverse. In addition our panel “There is no media justice without women” appeared at one of the most contested spots in the conference going against Amy Goodman. Diversity isn’t just about numbers and it doesn’t mean that if you get a woman and a man of color that you have included the women-of-color perspective. The conference can only only improve with the richness of multiple perspectives on any issue and not mirror big media.”

–Shireen Mitchell
Founder, Digital Sisters/Sistas Inc.
Vice Chair, National Council of Women’s Organizations (NCWO)
Chair, Media and Technology Task Force (NCWO)

“Media consolidation means more and more media outlets are run exclusively for profit, and more and more these outlets are therefore emulating or downright embracing the aims and modes of advertising. Advertising we know was set up by “The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit” to appeal to “Your Wife”—the ideal consumer. (As quaint as we may believe this language to be, “the housewife in Pawtucket / Davenport / wherever” remains the trope to which advertisers answer, as can be read daily in the industry press.) It’s critical, right now, to reposition women not as consumers of the products and services media touts, but as critics, watchdogs, owners, and producers of media—maybe even of media free of consumerist aims.”

Anne Elizabeth Moore
The Anti-Advertising Agency Foundation for Freedom

Author of Unmarketable

“There is no “media democracy,” no media justice, without women. Too often, the “universal” issues of structural and economic media reform are not understood as interconnected with (though not more important than) institutional biases around gender, race, class and sexuality in media content and in the media industry. Institutional biases including corporate media consolidation, the lack of gender and racial diversity within the industry itself, discriminatory media production, and access and distribution issues are of crucial importance for women (and people of color, poor people, LGBTQ people, immigrants and other marginalized communities), who find our identities and our concerns misrepresented, maligned or just plain missing from public debate. The good news is that women are leading the grassroots battle for fairer, more authentic, more democratic media, from producing independent journalism in print, radio, cable access and the feminist blogosphere, to waging policy battles around the digital divide, net neutrality, municipal broadband and ownership regulations.”

–Jennifer L. Pozner,
Founder and Executive Director, Women In Media & News, and Editor, WIMN’s Voices

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From Human Rights First:

Today marks the second anniversary of a protest held by women’s rights activists in Iran. That demonstration was broken up violently by security forces and led to the arrest of 70 men and women.  The activists then launched the One Million Signatures Campaign, an unprecedented grass-roots campaign to change gender discrimination in Iranian laws.

They chose June 12 as a national day of solidarity with their campaign, and planned to hold an event today commemorating the protests.  However, their gathering was canceled due to threats and when a number of women arrived anyway, security forces blocked the doors.  Eight women have reportedly been detained:  Nafiseh Azad, Jila Baniyaghoub, Farideh Ghaeb, Jelveh Javaheri, Sarah Loghmani, Nahid Mirhaj, Aida Saadat, and Nasreen Sotoodeh.

Human Rights First has joined over forty international human rights organizations to express support for the defenders.  On this anniversary, call on the Iranian government to cease its persecution of the activists, drop any charges against them, and to allow women’s rights activists to engage in their rights of assembly and peaceful political expression.

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Received via e-mail: 

AFGHAN WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS’
OPEN LETTER TO THE PARIS CONFERENCE ON AID TO AFGHANISTAN
12 JUNE 2008

In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate

On the 19, 20, and 22 of May 2008, in Kabul, Afghanistan, women members of the Afghanistan Islamic National Assembly convened to prioritize the concerns of Afghan women and girls on the occasion of the Paris Conference. Emphasizing a comprehensive approach to development and security, they crafted an open letter on the urgent needs in education, security, employment and health services for Afghan women and girls, urging the international community to fully fund the gender equality commitments of the ANDS. Stressing accountability and transparency, the open letter of the women parliamentarians urges the international community, the government of Afghanistan, and non-governmental and civil society organizations to promote women’s participation in all levels of decision making; to implement programs directed to the priority needs of women and girls; and to invest in women’s social, cultural, political, and economic progress in the public and private spheres.

AN OPEN LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT KARZAI, SECRETARY GENERAL BAN KI MOON, DISTINGUISHED DIGNITARIES, THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY OF DONORS, CIVIL SOCIETY AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, HONORABLE DELEGATES, AND ALL OTHER FRIENDS TO THE AFGHAN PEOPLE ON THE OCCASION OF THE PARIS CONFERENCE:

As representatives of the people of Afghanistan and especially Afghan women and girls, we unite in a single voice to recognize the special role of women in promoting a culture of peace and stability in harmony with Islamic and national values. We acknowledge the support of the international community in its understanding that investing in women and girls is an investment in a durable peace. We applaud our national government in its commitment to the empowerment of women and girls as demonstrated in Article 22 of the Afghan constitution; in the adoption of the National Action Plan for the Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA); and in the inclusion of gender equality as a cross-cutting issue in all sectors of the Afghanistan National Development Strategy (ANDS).

Yet today the situation of Afghan women and girls remains desperate. We, the women parliamentarians of the Afghanistan Islamic National Assembly, stress the following priority areas in need of urgent attention:

1. EDUCATION for all Afghans, especially girls and women, is a priority in a society recovering from crisis and under development.

•    Only 16 percent of Afghan women are literate and almost a third of all school districts have no schools for girls.
•    Schools lack physical and social security, and girls are the most victimized by this situation.
•    A lack of budget for strengthening the education sector, especially for girls’ access to primary and secondary schools, contributes to few girls progressing past grade 6 and the fact that only 1 or 4 university graduates is female.
•    Women make up only 28 percent of all teachers, and those are concentrated mostly in urban areas. In insecure provinces, women make up only 5 percent of teachers. Meanwhile, no special incentives are in place to encourage the employment of women in this sector.

2. As SECURITY worsens in most of the provinces, women and children are the major victims.

•    Outside interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and a lack of honest commitment to fighting terrorism contributes to instability in our country.
•    The national army and police are weakened by a lack of modern equipment and training. The very low involvement of women in both the army and police is also a weakness.
•    Poor coordination between national and international forces in the implementation of military operations had led to unnecessary civilian deaths.
•    The absence of an effective foreign policy strategy and uncontrolled borders has deteriorated public confidence in national and international forces.
•    Allegations of corruption in high-level offices, including involvement in drug trafficking and insecurity, directly undermines national stability.
•    Unequal implementation of DDR, DIAG, and PPR processes had led to the decrease of professional military officers and an increase in the rearming of illegal groups.
•    The breakdown of rule of law, particularly in remote districts, means women continue to be victim to all forms of violence and other human rights abuses without access to justice.

3. Peace needs ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT and sustainable economic development needs women’s contributions.

•    Afghan women play a major role in agriculture, in producing traditional handicrafts and carpet weaving, and in small business management. And yet women make 3 times less wages than men.
•    There are few well-paid job opportunities for women or specific strategies or allocations to develop such opportunities.
•    Women are left out of employment opportunities in current reconstruction projects.
•    Chronically poor women, such as the illiterate, the disabled, heads of households and the one million widows from decades of conflict, are in special need of well-funded and well-designed microfinance and employment programs.
.
4. HEALTH is a basic indicator of development, and yet Afghan women in alarming numbers die from preventable diseases and health complications.

•    Every 30 minutes an Afghan woman dies a maternal death (1,600 deaths per 100,000 live births). Programs are needed to improve the health of pregnant women and prevent material mortality, especially in rural areas. Funds have been allocated for this purpose, but the money has not been fully or equitably expended nor targeted where help is needed most.
•    Nearly 40 percent of health facilities in the country have no female health workers, and only 17 percent of health facilities provide reproductive health services. Some districts have no hospitals, and many hospitals operate without modern medical equipment, ambulances, and quality drugs.
•    There is an absence of public awareness about preventative health methods and family planning, and health education is lacking in the school curriculum.
•    Most areas of the country have no health training institutions, and there is an absence of scholarships for female doctors, midwives, or health care workers to attend institutions outside of Afghanistan to learn modern medical sciences.
•    Inadequate roads and transportation restricts women’s access to hospitals and other health care services.

Continue reading »

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